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The Church In the World
By E. G. Homrighausen

EYES ON LATIN AMERICA

Fidel Castro and the recent Cuban crisis have aroused the United States over the proximity of a Communist society and the future of the Latin American republics. Neighbors to the south, who were taken for granted because they were so close at hand, have suddenly become an occasion for anxiety.

The Organization of American States (OAS) has been busily at work trying to deal in a united way with Castroism and with conditions obtaining in Latin America which could lead to the outbreak of similar revolutions. The Alliance for Progress, inspired by President Kennedy, is wrestling with ways by which its funds may be effectively employed for relief and reform. The Peace Corps has 1,100 volunteers at work in Latin America; it is training 600 more, and plans to have 3,000 serving there by the end of 1963. The Study Conference of the Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, representing the denominations of the National Council of Churches, recently made Latin America the subject of an intensive study conference. Church World Service, which coordinates many denominational projects in most of the countries in the southern hemisphere is also deeply concerned about the use of its resources in meeting the various needs of people in the southern continent.

There are a number of reasons for concern about Latin America. Economic and political conditions in pre-Castro Cuba are found in many Latin American republics. There are relatively no substantial middle classes, no strong liberal political parties, and no established parliamentary processes by which the revolutionary ferment of the masses in industrial centers and in poverty-stricken areas can be constructively channeled for the improvement of conditions. Old feudal and class patterns of social life are strong. And while economic aid could bring relief to the distressed, it would only post-

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pone the necessary changes. It might even entrench the existing situation more firmly. It is this condition which makes Castro an attractive symbol in Latin America, even though most people would not approve of his alliance with Russia or with China.

The situation poses problems for the fast-growing Protestant churches in Latin America. Are they prepared for radical social changes? Are they educating their memberships for responsible citizenship which will involve Christians in political action? Are they able to hold their young people who are aware of the need for social change but who are impatient with a church life that centers in and around itself? Are all the Christian groups sufficiently united in the Gospel so as to meet the future?

Churches in North America must continue their many and varied projects of self-help to save the masses from despair and violence. They must understand the situation which Latin Americans confront. And they will need to give guidance to governmental agencies and personnel in their difficult task of administering vast sums of money through the Alliance for Progress. And guidance will have to be given to representatives in the Organization for American States so that they will express mutual faith and ethical attitudes in their relations with Latin Americans.

AFRICAN NATIONALISM AND THE CHRISTIAN FAITH

Eduardo C. Mondlane, prominent African Christian leader from Mozambique, speaking to a recent Sesquicentennial Conference at Princeton Theological Seminary said, "if one were asked as to what was the most characteristic force of this century in Africa, one would say without difficulty that it is Nationalism." It is felt, he said, "in every phase of life." It is a political force which seeks "to free the black man from European imperialism." Its supporters believe that without political freedom there can be no other freedom. This emancipation is aimed to break every kind of foreign control: economic, political, social, racial, individual. It has been cogently expressed by President Nkrumah of Ghana, "Seek ye first the political kingdom and all else will be given unto you."

In Ghana, a "guided democracy," this nationalism is expressed in rather vigorous terms. President Nkrumah is a Christian who was

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educated in Christian schools both Roman Catholic and Protestant, in Ghana and in the United States. He came to power upon the wave of an enthusiastic nationalism. Now that he is President, he has silenced or exiled even a loyal opposition for fear that it might subvert the Convention Peoples' Party's leadership and program.

Within recent months he has come into conflict with the church. The point of controversy was in one of the party slogans, "Kwame Nkrumah never dies." This sentiment is also expressed in phrases of national songs used by the Young Pioneers, Ghana's national youth organization. The Right Reverend Richard Roseyeare, Anglican Bishop of Accra, was expelled for several months for criticizing the Young Pioneers not only for its songs and slogans, but because this youth movement took on the characteristics of a religious group. He has charged the dominant political party with "godlessness" in some of its propaganda.

The Ghanian Times, official newspaper of the Party maintains that it is not at war with any religion or church. All religious groups will be protected if "they limit their activities to worship and do not seek secular power." As for "Nkrumah never dies," the statement is interpreted to mean that he will live on like Joan of Arc lives on in France, William Tell in Switzerland, Lenin in Russia, and George Washington in the United States. The Party wages war against "religious bigotry and imperialistic witchcraft." Bishop Roseyeare has been permitted to return, but the controversy goes on.

Nationalism in Africa is relevant to Christianity because the leadership of the nationalistic movement is in the hands of people who have been educated in and by the churches. Further, the countries from which African nationalists wish to be liberated consider themselves Christian. Therefore, a proper understanding of the relation of nationalism to Christianity is of utmost importance at this critical period in history.

It is necessary to appreciate the fierce desire of Africans to be done with everything that is associated with their dominance by outsiders, whether racial (discrimination), economic (exploitation), social (segregation), political (imperialism). They resent westerners branding their languages as "dialects," their religions as "superstitious," and their cultures as "primitive."

African nationalism arises out of the non-Christian populations which have associated the cross of suffering and reconciliation with

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conquest and domination. For this reason, Christians, both African and western, who share the spirit of a legitimate nationalism are confronted with a dilemma. They cannot cultivate pietistic Christianity and hope for a better future-sometime. Nor can they go all the way with an irresponsible nationalism. In their desire to be Christian in their situations, they get little support from Christians abroad. For instance, racial tensions in the United States embarrass them. And Christans abroad do not make clear stands and statements about the African's will to freedom.

Nationalism is a unifying dynamic for all new nations, especially when tribal divisions must be transcended and new structures for the common welfare must be forged. Allowances will have to be made for some violence and "guided" democracy. But more, the Christian churches need to provide higher education for the much-needed leadership of these new nations. (African Christians complain that the churches have set up universities in Asia but have done little for them). Churches need to inspire young people to go to Africa not as missionaries, but as technicians, educators and co-workers. And they will have to stand against present systems which do not respect the African desire for independence expressed in nationalism.

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH FACES THE WORLD

The first session of the Second Vatican Council has come to a close. The Council will be noted as one of the most significant events in church history and perhaps in the history of the modern world. Several factors have combined to bring it about: the spirit and concern of Pope John XXIII, the pent-up desire for reform in many parts of the Roman Catholic Church, the growing spirit of ecumenicity in non-Roman Christianity, and the imperious realities of the modern world.

Soon after his succession to the throne of St. Peter, the pontiff made it known that he wished to be a pastoral Pope, that he wanted the church to fulfill its pastoral ministry, and that he proposed to open the windows of the church, to let in some fresh air, and to take the church out of its irrelevance. The church, he insisted, must understand the forces of the modern world which are shaping the lives of people. To this end, renewal and reunion are in order.

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Ever since the Reformation the Roman Catholic Church seems to have been on the defensive. The Council of Trent, which extended over eighteen years, was called to deal with abuses in the church, but it spent most of its time defining and defending dogmas against Protestant heretics. During succeeding centuries, the church strengthened the Papacy and concentrated its power in the Curia. The French Revolution dealt the church a hard blow and made it defensive against and suspicious of political revolution which exalted democratic power. Comte, Spencer, Darwin, Marx, Decartes, Nietzsche, Freud, and other pioneers of modern thought and movements challenged the church, changed the climate in which the church lived and worked, and forced it into a conservative position. The absolute monarchs, who provided the church with political support, gave way to democratic forces only to leave the church more and more exposed to what were regarded as hostile forces.

Instead of coming to grips with these aspects of the modern world, the church seemed to retreat more and more into an ecclesiastical fortress. In 1854 the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was promulgated. In 1864, the Syllabus of Errors roundly condemned religious freedom, liberalism, modern civilization, and the separation of church and state. In 1870, the dogma of Papal Infallibility was declared. In 1907, Pope Pius X put modernism on the black list. The Dogma of the Assumption was announced in 1950. And quite recently, Catholics were forbidden to join the Rotary Club! This whole procession of expressions took the church farther and farther from the world.

This long history since the Reformation is not devoid of illustrious exceptions. One thinks of statements like Rerum Novarum, and Mater et Magistra, to name only a few; of the work done by Catholic scholars in the fields of education, philosophy, biblical studies, and theology; and of names like Gilson, Adam, Geiselman, Weigel, Balthasar, and others. But in spite of these exceptions, the official church has remained isolated, aloof, and incommunicative.

It is, therefore, with a sense of surprise, of joy, and of hope that we salute the Second Vatican Council! The doors of the Roman Catholic Church have been opened. The Roman Church, through the leadership of Pope John XXIII, has turned its face outward and forward with missionary concern. In the words of Visser 't Hooft, "it has discovered its true position in the modern world . . . (and)

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begins to take the challenge of the modern world seriously." It has become a source of ecumenical initiative.

The Second Vatican Council is significant not only as an ecclesiastical event; it has social and international significance. Pope John and many associated with him in the episcopacy believe that the church must be a servant. The Pope has spoken critically about the pomp and ceremony of the church. His personal humility in dealing with people is an encouraging sign of the Church's ministering vocation. Many a bishop at the Council was uneasy in the presence of the church's glory when he remembered the poverty of people in his own diocese. The approval of greater participation of the people in public worship and the encouragement of the use of local languages and customs indicates a desire to take the laity seriously and to regard the liturgy as a dialogue between priest and people. The inclusion of forty non-Catholic observers who sat in a prominent place, who were not dismissed when differences in doctrinal positions were discussed, and were addressed as carissime observatores indicates that the church's state of "theological siege" has been replaced by a "theology of encounter," as Hans Küng the German Catholic theologian puts it. The presence of 2540 of the 2908 eligible delegates in one place, meeting face to face for a long period of time, was in itself something new under the sun. (The Council of Trent could muster only about 60 bishops. The First Vatican Council numbered less than 700 delegates.) There were 230 from Africa of whom 60 were Negroes. There were 430 from the United States, and 300 from Asia. Many bishops at this Vatican Council refused to be "yes men" to the Curia; they were aware of the catholic nature and sweep of the church. Frank discussion took place on matters of administrative procedure, as well as on matters once regarded as closed subjects. And the Russian visitors were quietly and warmly welcomed; their presence in itself may be something of an indication of a possible change in the Roman Church's attitude.

The first session of the Second Vatican Council is only a beginning. Leaving the question of church union to one side as a possibility, it is our conviction that the Vatican Council has started a movement in the Roman Catholic Church which makes this vast expression of the Christian faith into an incalculable power in the modern world. We trust it will seek to renew its faith by recover-

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ing the evangelical message of the Scriptures, and facing the world, fulfill its pastor-servant role in our time in a continuing but growing relation to other "baptized believers in Jesus Christ."

RELIGION IN AMERICAN LIFE

There is a good deal of discussion in the United States about the relation of religion to national life. The issues involved range from censorship to laws on birth control, from Sunday blue laws to prayers in the public schools, from government grants to parochial schools to the exemption of church property from taxation. During the last presidential election the question about a Roman Catholic in the White House was a campaign issue. There is deep and extended study in progress on the relation of church to state, in denominational and interchurch councils. But, all of these issues are set within the deeper context of the relation of religion to national life.

One of the causes for this concern is rooted in American history. The Constitution forbids an established national religion, but it protects religion and rests its great affirmations regarding national values and goals upon belief in a Supreme Being. For the first century of its history at least, the nation assumed a homogeneous religious outlook. The national spirit reflected hard work, idealism, optimism, and individualism. However, since 1890, when industrialization really began, a number of crises have brought Americans to a new situation: industrialization, socialization, urbanization, internationalization. The individual came to face the massive forces of conformity. Optimism faced the dangerous perils of the day. Idealism faced the realities of diverse ambituities. The once-predominant religious orientation which is often referred to as "the faith of our fathers," is no longer in a privileged position; it now shares its place with two other major faiths of the country.

It is because many Americans long for "the good old days," or the restoration of this faith of the fathers, that groups have arisen to crusade for the preservation of the endangered American way of life. Some of them, like the John Birchers, the Dr. Schwarzes and the Billy Hargises, sincerely believe that this modern development has infused into American life the virus of death. The chief enemy is Communism which assumes various subtle forms.

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It is this sense of danger and lostness that moves many Americans to ask these questions: What are the goals of the nation? What is the nation's character and mission? How can America recover her identity, or move forward to a new identity that is both related to the past and relevant to the present? Unless this cultural schizophrenia within the nation, this division between the old idea of a homogeneous "Christian nation" and the actual situation of the present pluralistic culture is met and some modus vivendi worked out, it may have serious consequences.

What does this new situation in America mean for the relation of religion to national life? There are quite a few who maintain that it means that America has come of age; it has indeed become a secular state. There is no longer any relation possible between this nation and the divided religious groups of the country. Perhaps a sort of "religion in general" abstracted from the values of various religious traditions may be tolerated. It might even be valuable for "peace of mind" or motivation against Communism. But the religious groups are "sectarian" and divisive. They must retreat to their several ghettos!

Perhaps the leaders of the three predominant faiths (Roman Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant) need to inquire about this situation in our national life, and to talk not at but with each other in all frankness and honesty in the hope that each would maintain and deepen its own integrity, but all would work together so that the religious values of the nation's religious heritage may not be forced out of the common life but brought to bear upon it in a new way. Three things must be guarded against: (1) the development of a "spiritual American religion" divorced from the historic faiths, (2) the development of separatist competing faiths more concerned about saving themselves than with serving the nation in a prophetic way, and (3) the homogenization of the historic faiths into a diffused "religion in general."

Something has been done and is being done along these lines. The recent conference of Catholics, Jews, and Protestants in Chicago on the race issue in this country is a case in point. Another event was the meeting of the Institute of Religious Freedom in Washington, under the sponsorship of the National Conference of Christians and Jews. The four studies issued by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions is another excellent attempt.

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The United States is in a critical period of its development. The Judaeo-Christian tradition has had much to do with its moral character. How can it continue to maintain and invigorate the moral level of American culture now that this culture has become pluralistic and none of the three historic faiths is dominant? The situation is more confused by the emergence of what Father Murray calls the "secularists" who profess a faith ("Ultimate concern," à la Tillich) in human values, but who have no interest in organized religion. Perhaps, they will have to be taken seriously.

Whatever is done, this is no time for these four faiths to work towards a "common faith," but to develop their own integrity, fulfill their several responsibilities, continue to carry on conversations, and engage in actions which will be highly prophetic.