182 - Banning Black Theology in South Africa

Banning Black Theology in South Africa
By Allan A. Boesak

"It must be made clear: black theology, as an expression of faith, cannot be banned. Of course, the South African government can ban books and articles. It can ban the people who wrote them. But it cannot take away the faith of an oppressed people who have discovered that God always has been, and is now, on the side of the poor and the needy. It cannot take away the truth that this God is passionately involved in history for the sake of his people. It cannot take away the message of liberation which the Bible brings, and it cannot dilute the call which is inherent in the biblical proclamation: the call to become participant with God in the struggle for the Kingdom and its justice in the world."

SINCE THE beginning of the 1970s, a new theological expression has found articulation in black Christian circles in South Africa. It is called black theology. It caught on like a fire and was accepted by many in the black community as an authentic, meaningful expression of their Christian faith. Articulate black theologians immediately began to put into words the meaning and significance of black theology for black Christians. Yet today, some ten years later, most of the material regarding black theology may no longer be read by South Africans. There is only one book available, written by a black, plus a few articles. Apart from that, the only available writing on black theology is the criticism of white theologians.

Obviously, the South African government is trying to ban black theology. Section I of the Publications Act 42 of 1974 makes it clear that the criteria which are designed to serve as the basic standards for the censoring of films, publications, and public entertainment are determined with regard to "the constant endeavour of the population of South Africa to uphold a Christian view of life."

Allan A. Boesak, one of the leading black theologians from Africa, is campus minister for the Black Dutch Reformed Church at the University of the Western Cape in South Africa. He is the author of Farewell io Innocence (1977), and during the past academic year, he was Professor of Theology at Calvin College in Grand Rapids, Mich.

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Apart from the fact that some legal experts consider the wording of the Act "an insult to the art of statutory drafting" (as J. D. van der Vyver put it), there are other questions which must be raised. For instance, can one really speak of a "constant endeavour of the population of the Republic of South Africa," while we are so clearly a multi-religious society? And can one speak of the endeavor of the "population" to uphold a "Christian" view of life, as if those who call themselves Christian were Christians, and as if this "endeavour" is the most natural thing in the world for people who live in South Africa?

The most serious question is what "Christian" view the government is upholding. The view that the most important thing about people is their racial classification? That people can be judged according to the color of their skin instead of the content of their character? A view perhaps which holds that thirteen percent of the land can be "allotted to" eighty percent of the population while eighty seven percent goes to the whites? The view that whites, because of their whiteness, have the right to decide for everybody else, thereby degrading God's creatures to so many cattle which can be pushed around in the country of their birth? But why go on? It is enough to state that bearing all this in mind, it is no wonder the South African government wishes to ban black theology.

I

The government has already made a "study" of black theology. The results can be found in the infamous Schlebusch/Le Grange Report and make incredible reading for anybody who knows anything about black theology. Dr. Manas Buthelezi has prepared a brilliant reply to that report. Unfortunately, as one might have guessed, I cannot repeat his arguments here for the sake of those who have not read his critique, because it appeared in what is now a banned publication.

But another point must be made. In banning something of a theological nature the South African government makes a theological judgment. Theology has to do with one's faith, and how that faith finds expression in one's daily life. If that faith is threatened, one tries to protect it. In banning black theology, the government has taken upon itself to be the "guardian of the faith." We immediately stumble upon the pretension that the government knows the true faith, accepts it, lives by it, and resolves to protect it. We know that this is a belief highly acclaimed in classical Reformed confessional documents and that the government also has the duty to guard the faith as well as to protect the faithful. One must remember, however, that this is a point of view formulated at a time when church and state, sword and Word were almost indistinguishable and when the ideal of a theocracy was kept very much alive. The situation is quite different today, and most Reformed churches have ceased to hold their governments to that duty in the sense in which it was originally meant.

Evidently, however, the Government in South Africa does see itself n such a role. It considers itself a Christian government, a proper channel

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to "further the aims of the Kingdom and to withstand the powers of the Anti-Christ," as the Belgic Confession says. But the question remains: dare a government, which through its policies and practices so clearly deviates from Scripture, whose laws are so blatantly unjust so that its purported Christianity becomes a blasphemous mockery, take upon itself the role of "guardian of the faith"? Surely it must be obvious that a government which is the persecutor of the faithful cannot at the same time be the protector of the faith. The Bible contains not only Romans 13 (how government ought to be); it also includes Revelation 13 - how government ought not to be. The servant of God can very easily become the beast. This is one of the things black theology wants to make clear.

II

In order to understand this point even better we must take a brief look at what the government of South Africa is trying to ban. Banning something means that it is considered "undesirable." It does not contribute to better mutual understanding and better relationships between people. As writing, black theology is considered "inciting," "undermining the good order of public life," and the authority of the government. It constitutes a threat to our "Christian view" of life. Therefore, it has to be done away with.

What is black theology, then? Black theology is the attempt of black Christians to understand and interpret their situation in the light of the gospel of Jesus Christ. They want to do this in such a way that the black community understands that the gospel is commensurate with the achievement of black humanity.

The situation in which blacks live is a situation of oppression. They are people who are disenfranchised and have no rights recognized by law. They are considered unequal, and they live under laws which have robbed them of their dignity and self respect. The gospel, however, is a gospel of liberation. Therefore, black theology is a theology of liberation. It believes that Christianity is not a "white man's religion," an instrument merely for the effective oppression of black people. It believes that God is a God of justice and liberation, always choosing the side of the weak and the downtrodden. It believes that God has taken sides in the South African situation and calls upon black people to join in the struggle against inhumanity and injustice.

The "why" of black theology is not difficult to answer. Until now, Christian theology has lived under the illusion that it has been a "universal" theology, speaking for all those who called themselves Christian. The truth, however, was different. Christian theology has been cast into a white Western mold, reflecting the beliefs of the rich and the powerful as prescribed by their position of wealth, comfort, and power, rather than the cries and the faith of the poor and the oppressed who were not white. The anxieties of the slaves of the white Christians, the fears of the people killed by them to claim their land, those who

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were kept in economic and political servitude through the systems white Christians created, the plight of these people-these were not even considered in Christian theology. And inasmuch as this has happened, Christian theology has become a white theology, an ideology justifying the privileged position of those in power, rather than the critical sword of the gospel revealing the truth of God's mercy and justice.

Black theology also calls itself a "contextual" theology, by which it means that it functions, and wants to be understood, within a particular situation. In South Africa, black theology's context is the life experience of black people in South Africa-an experience prescribed by the realities of a system called apartheid. Therefore, it deals with apartheid, pass laws, racial discrimination, poverty, oppressive "security" laws, economic exploitation, and all the other bitter realities of being black in South Africa.

Black theology also has to deal with the questions arising out of this situation: What does it mean to be black in South Africa? What does it mean to live in a world controlled by white racists? What if one believes in Jesus Christ as Lord and these other people also call themselves Christians? What if they say they believe in the same Bible, even deriving from it the arguments they use for the destruction of your humanity?

We now begin to have an inkling of what might be moving the government when it bans books on black theology. In dealing with their situation, black theologians have been as frank and honest as one dares to be in South Africa. Themes like oppression, liberation, and anger ring out like a bell in every discussion.

But there is more. Black theology also speaks of suffering, of the discovery of being a human being. As a theology, it is not merely a reflection on a situation or an experience. It is not a political ideology. It deals with black realities in the light of and under the critique of the Word of God. Of course, this means that the situation will be judged severely, but it also means that black theology itself falls under the judgment of the Word. It deals with suffering and hope, with love and peace, with reconciliation and justice, with oppression and liberation from oppression. Its demands are clear for whites, but they are just as clear for blacks.

Once again, black theology is the expression of the faith of black Christians. It says that in spite of white manipulation (slavery, "Sons of Ham," the theology of apartheid), the gospel is still God's liberating Word. It says that the Covenant-God of the Torah and the prophets cannot be possessed, least of all by the oppressor. God cannot be overcome, least of all by the Pharaohs, the Baals, and the Dagons of this world. While black theology is not the only theological expression in the world, I believe that for black people, it is the only authentic way of believing. It gives hope, restores faith, kindles joy, and brings life again.

This is what the South African government is trying to ban.

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III

But that is not all. Black theology is indeed a ringing, honest, but absolutely necessary indictment of white Christianity in South Africa. It is a burning flame of legitimate anger at what is being done in the name of the God whose very name spells liberation, compassion, justice, love. Yet at the same time black theology offers reconciliation and peace in a situation where people do not trust each other, where we have been driven apart by laws, and where we are now also kept apart by fear and hatred. It speaks of Christian hope where so many have become desperate.

It is true that white people have difficulty with black theology's concept of reconciliation and love. Black theology clearly says that reconciliation does not mean to gloss over what is wrong, to hide evil, and to harmonize what cannot stand side by side. It does not mean taking hands and singing, "black and white together." For black theology, reconciliation means confronting evil, unmasking sin, and coming together through the sharing of sorrow, repentance, suffering, and death. Christian love is not feeling good but doing what is right. Black theology offers liberation, not only to blacks but also to whites, telling them that they will never be free from their fear until blacks are free from bondage; telling them that in Christ the walls of partition have been broken down and a true Christian view which should be pursued is one of a country where all its people should live in peace - together. It is not that peace which is the regulation of violence or the absence of war (civil war?), but that peace which is the active presence of justice.

Ananias Mpanzi has said that although black theology directs its voice to black people, it hopes that white people will also hear and be saved.

This is what the Government is trying to ban, has indeed banned.

IV

In this kind of faith lies the salvation of South Africa. This is the kind of faith South Africa needs to save us from the idolatry of a civil religion which carries within itself the seeds of destruction. A government which will not face the truth about itself is totalitarian and incapable of being saved. It legitimizes a false consciousness and a pseudo-innocence in the minds of the people, thereby providing the stones which kill the prophets.

By banning the truth, it bans not only the prophetic judgment but also the possibility of repentance and conversion. It prevents the people from understanding "the things that make for peace"; it is in fact persecuting people for the sake of their faith; it becomes an adversary of the liberating and reconciling work of God in the world, an enemy of the gospel of Jesus Christ. It is foolish bravery to try to block the God of justice.

Ask the Pharaoh.

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V

It must be made clear: black theology, as an expression of faith, cannot be banned. Of course, the South African government can ban books and articles. It can ban the people who wrote them. But it cannot take away the faith of an oppressed people who have discovered that God always has been, and is now, on the side of the poor and the needy. It cannot take away the truth that this God is passionately involved in history for the sake of people. It cannot take away the message of liberation which the Bible brings, and it cannot dilute the call which is inherent in biblical proclamation: the call to become participant with God in the struggle for the Kingdom and justice in the world.

This is not to say that white Christianity has not tried to do so. God knows how they have tried! They have tried to manipulate the biblical message; they have tried to make of God a tribal, white God; they have tried to spiritualize the dynamic power of the gospel, almost totally succeeding in making it the opiate of the people. But, and this may rightly be called a miracle, God has once again proven to be God. God's Word cannot be bound.

One must admit that there has been a measure of "success" for the government. Its actions against black theology have made it easy for South African churches, so deeply imbued with the sin of racism, to avoid its challenge and to resist its impact. It has also made it easy for the churches to avoid meeting the challenge of black consciousness. The result is that a theology relevant to the needs and the struggle of black people is being done only by "pockets" of concerned and prophetic Christians-vulnerable, frowned upon by the church leadership, and wide open for intimidation by the authorities.

The theology which should have been gratefully grasped by the whole of the church and accepted by the church as a gift from God is still seen as undermining "official" theology. Many in the churches (especially those in power) regard black theology as at worst communist-inspired and politically subversive, and at best as some sort of a guerilla theology. It must be made clear that one cannot just think of those churches which regard themselves as "white" churches, and I am not only speaking of whites in the church. I am also thinking of black Christians. For so many, government action against black theology and black theologians has brought fear and anxiety so that once more, blacks have found it expedient to flee with nervous enthusiasm into the false sanctuaries of an anemic, pietistic, pie-in-the-sky-when-you-die theology, to prove to church leaders (and the government?) that they are not "political," but "evangelical." Once again, the false dichotomy between the "spiritual" and the "worldly" (read: political) gospel is being extolled as virtuous, and this heathen way of life is praised in churches already over-anxious not to disturb the existing order.

So the South African churches will take that much longer to come to grips with the realities of the South African situation. It will take us that much longer to completely understand our role and responsibility in the struggle for liberation.

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VI

To understand and accept black consciousness in the Christian church in South Africa is not merely to understand the necessity of genuine black leadership in a given historical moment. Black consciousness entails a new understanding of oneself, of the situation, and of the dynamics of the struggle. It is coming to grips with the realities, limitations, and possibilities of one's own situation.

With regard to the church, this would mean that the church in South Africa would no longer have an inflated opinion of itself but understand its role as servant in the world. It would understand its own identity as a church and the nature of its identification either with the oppressed or the oppressor. Once it had succeeded in overcoming its fear, it would ultimately, through God's grace, become an authentic agent of liberation and reconciliation in a torn and sorrowfully divided society.

I sincerely believe that black theology would have been able, in its small way, to help the church in understanding all this. Born in the communities of the poor and the oppressed, black theology could have helped to bring the church closer to the people it hopes to serve. Now it is still largely hidden from our eyes. All of this I would consider the most tangible result and at once the tragic success of government action against black theology.

But I must repeat: no government can ban black theology. It cannot ban it because it cannot really ban the faith of a people. That is why the truth for which black theology stands will increasingly be authenticated in the lives and witness of black Christians in South Africa. It wins the hearts and minds of people because it is authentic and life-giving. It convinces people because it is, in the true sense of the word, gospel truth. If it poses a threat to the present system in South Africa, it does so because the gospel, proclaimed honestly and in obedience to Christ, is always a threat to what is wrong. It forms a threat because the way of life this government wants to protect is in many respects the antithesis of the demands of the Gospel. It forms a threat because loyalty to Christ who is Lord is superior to loyalty to the Caesar.

VII

Dorothee Sölle tells a story from Soviet Russia which explains better than anything why the authorities are waging their war on black theology in South Africa. An old lady, forgetting that she was within earshot of a local Party secretary, said to her friend: "Thank God, it looks like rain."

Disturbed, the Party man said: "But you must know by now, Comrade, that you cannot say that. God does not exist."

"Ah, yes, Comrade," replied the old lady, "I understand that. But imagine, God forbid, that there is a God!"

The South African government, along with many others, knows that there is a God. But their God is white, or colorless, which is the same thing. God blesses their laws and gives them the authority to make even

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more such laws. God blesses their guns, and gives them more money for their gold so they can buy even more guns. The eyes of God are closed to the injustices they perpetuate.

Black theology talks about a God who sides with the oppressed. God listens to their cry; their suffering becomes God's suffering. God identifies with them. God's power is proven (ask the Pharaoh!); God's promise is true. God shall deliver the people:

God, give your own justice to the king,
your own righteousness to the royal son,
so that he may rule your people rightly,
and your poor with justice.

Let the mountains and hills,
bring a message of peace for the people.
Uprightly he will defend the poorest,
he will save the children of those in need,
and crush their oppressors….

He will free the poor man who calls to him,
and those who need help,
he will have pity on the poor and downtrodden,
he will save the lives of those in need;
he will redeem their lives from exploitation and outrage,
their lives will be precious in his sight….

Blessed be his name forever …
May every race in the world be blessed in him,
and all the nations call him blessed!

Blessed be Yahweh, the God of Israel,
who alone performs these marvels!
Blessed for ever be his glorious Name,
may the whole world be filled with his glory!
Amen. Amen!

(Psalm 72; Jerusalem Bible).

"...Imagine--God forbid!--that there is such a God!"

That explains it.