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The Church In the World
By M. Richard Shaull

IMPATIENCE IN LATIN AMERICA

A new book by Carlos Naudon, recently published in Chile and bearing the title America Impatiente, expresses succinctly the contemporary mood in Latin America. The author describes the impatience of a whole generation of youth living in a situation of economic underdevelopment, in a society of privilege for the very few and incredible poverty for the masses. There is the impatience on the part of workers and peasants with their lot; impatience with political movements and economic groups which constitute the forces of the Center and which seem incapable of bringing about any decisive change because of their enjoyment of the status quo and their lack of the ideological drive necessary to meet the present challenge.

This impatience is leading to the development of the most explosive revolutionary situation in any large area of the world today, and it is imperative that North Americans and others make the necessary effort to understand sympathetically what is happening in Latin America. Several books have been published in recent years about Latin America; one of the few which captures the depth of this revolutionary situation and lays it bare before us is The Coming Explosion in Latin America, by Gerald Clark, associate editor of The Montreal Star (McKay, New York, 1962, 436 pp.).

But the theme of Naudon's book is more specific. The real impatience of which he speaks is that of Latin America with the United States because we have pursued, for a century, a policy of economic and political domination highly advantageous to our interests but not to Latin America. In more than 200 pages of careful documentation, the author shows how closely our policies have reflected a colonial mentality which is intolerable in the present situation. It is important to keep in mind that the writer is not a Communist in the employ of Russia, but a strong Roman Catholic intellectual whose major work is a study of the social teachings of Maritain.


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The book is published by the Editorial del Pacifico, in Santiago, Chile, which is related, directly or indirectly, to the Christian Democratic Party and to a center of Catholic social studies in that country.

The first part of the book is a documentation of our economic imperialism in which the author shows how much of our investment has been in the colonial style-in oil, mining, and agriculture; how closely this has been allied with the privileged groups and dictators in many countries; and how even the Good Neighbor Policy did not change this basic pattern of economic relations. We have engaged in magnificent affirmations of solidarity with the nations to the south of us, but this has meant primarily their support of our international commitments, not our solidarity with their economic problems.

In the political sphere, Naudon sees the Interamerican System and the ideal of Panamericanism as an instrument of North American political domination which has never allowed an open and free reciprocal relationship nor expressed any significant desire on the part of the United States to take seriously the tremendous problems facing these nations. He sees the Alliance for Progress as a significant change which was motivated more by the threat of Castro than by a new discovery of our responsibility toward Latin America. But for him, the Alliance has thus far failed, and he sees little hope for its success because the support promised by the U.S. has not yet been guaranteed, and the reforms we insist on cannot be brought about by the present governments which represent those economic and political forces which we support.

For North Americans, this picture will seem very one-sided. The important thing to bear in mind, however, is that it represents the most careful and balanced statement we have yet seen of an attitude which is becoming more and more widespread. It is a sign that the day has come when a radical change is demanded in both our economic and political relationships with Latin America. We must express our recognition of this fact by a new attitude and by daring steps to initiate such change. Otherwise we are in for a long process of tension and struggle in which we will become more and more frustrated and be forced to accept changes which might come about in a more constructive way.

One of the most unfortunate factors in the present picture is that so many key people in our country seem to be unable to grasp the


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meaning of these developments. The most striking example is a book, published at about the same time as that by Naudon, and written by Lincoln Gordon, our Ambassador to Brazil: A New Deal for Latin America-The Alliance for Progress (Harvard Univ. Press, 1963, 146 pp.). As an economist, Professor Gordon has important things to say to Latin America. It is most doubtful that they will be heard because of his apparent lack of sensitivity to the prevailing attitude toward the United States and the reasons for it. He indicates unwillingness to deal realistically with the changes in the political order and in society which will be necessary if the reforms he urges are to be carried out. And he has a tendency to deal with both economic and political issues in Latin America in terms which make sense in the USA but which have lost their power and relevance in many of the "developing nations." These countries can deal creatively with their problems only as they think in new categories and develop new structures adequate to their own situation. We will be of help to them only to the degree that we are able to understand this fact.

The seriousness of this problem raises the most decisive questions for Christians in North America. To what extent are we prepared to stimulate the type of insight, courage, and creativity of thought and action indispensable for dealing with this problem now? As the situation gets progressively worse, the Christian community may well be one of the few places where ventures in understanding and reconciliation can take place. To meet this challenge, we should now have groups of people preparing themselves for this encounter, and re-examine, before it is too late, our patterns of missionary work which in many ways have also become a symbol of the era that has ended.

IDEOLOGIES OF DEVELOPING NATIONS

In many circles there is a growing recognition that new social, economic, and political institutions are taking shape in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and that ideologies of national development are being worked out which do not fit into our traditional Western categories, and though influenced by Marxism, are by no means dominated by it. The most recent interpretation of this development


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is a book edited by Professor Paul E. Sigmund, Jr., of Princeton University, The Ideologies of the Developing Nations (Praeger, New York, 1963, 326 pp.). The volume contains speeches and writings by the major political leaders of these countries, plus an interpretative introduction by the editor.

Professor Sigmund is led to conclude that ideologies are taking form in these areas which provide some framework for understanding man and society, and thus motivation for action in national development, but that they do not possess the absolute and all-embracing quality of the great ideological world-systems developed in Europe in the nineteenth century. Moreover, there is little sharp ideological conflict; the leaders on three continents "are united by a group of beliefs that give expression to common feelings about the past, present and future."

Three of the major characteristics of these ideologies are:

(1) They propose to bring about economic development through socialist methods. This conviction is so widespread that the author can affirm: "the nationalist leaders, with the exception of some Latin Americans, are in agreement in rejecting the capitalist method of development as slow, inefficient, and unsuited to their conditions." Moreover, it is condemned as immoral, having offered neither social justice nor equality in these societies. This does not mean, however, that these leaders are moving toward Communism; they rather see themselves as forging a new system which avoids the errors of both sides, be it the "democratic collectivism" of Nehru or the "socialist, coöperative democracy" of Nasser. "At the same time that these theories denounce a stereotyped capitalism for its excessive individualism, its lack of concern with human and social values, and its fostering of the spirit of ruthless competition, they also criticize a stereotyped Communism for its excessive collectivism, its suppression of the individual, its materialism, and its narrow commitment to the national interest of a single country or group of countries."

The result of all this is a sort of humanistic socialism which repudiates some of the central theses of Marx, and which tends to become less and less doctrinaire. State planning and state control of the economy are maintained, but where this does not work at specific points, it can be discarded for a new approach, combining overall government planning with a measure of individual initiative and private ownership.


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(2) The traditional structures of liberal democracy are giving way to strong governments under a single or dominant party. In many places, the two (or more) party system is thoroughly discredited. Each party tends to represent the narrow interest of one group, not the nation as a whole. When one party is in power, only a small part of the nation is represented, and the lower classes have usually been excluded. Often all the major parties are controlled by the privileged economic groups, and strongly influenced by outside economic and political interests. By and large the traditional forms of democracy are less and less able to deal with the demands of the social and economic revolution. Strong government is necessary to carry out such a revolution, educate the people in the new nationalism, bring about forced economic development, and direct and control local and foreign capital. Thus increasingly not only the radicals but also the moderates in these countries are moving in this direction. The main difference is that the moderates would give more importance to existing structures and traditional loyalties. As a result, they can deal with a situation of gradual social evolution, but often fail when more radical change is demanded.

This development does not necessarily lead to the establishment of totalitarian dictatorships. These strong governments, as with Nasser for example, are committed to the thesis that political power comes from the people, and that the new structures must maintain contact between leaders and people, be open to all citizens and permit mass participation in national life; all of which were denied them in the past, even by "democratic" governments. The search is therefore, for a new and superior form of democracy, the "guided democracy" of Sukarno or the "democratic dictatorship" of Sekou Toure. Thus, the movement is not in the direction of a Leninist type party but a one-party system which will make it possible for all points of view to be discussed until agreement is reached, and in which leaders will be responsible to the people.

(3) By and large these nations are following zealously a policy of non-alignment in international affairs. There is a growing insistence that the developing countries must be left alone to regulate their internal and regional affairs. Coupled with this is the strong suspicion that too close an alignment with either of the major blocks will in the long run prove most unfortunate. With the existence of the United Nations, these countries are not only able to relate


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themselves to the big powers without such total alignment but are also able to act as a balance and intermediary between the two power blocs and conceive of themselves as the moral conscience of humanity at this time.

What the eventual result of this process will be no one can predict, but it cannot be denied that the question is open and that new structures are developing. It is quite likely that these countries will have a much better chance of succeeding in their intentions if we in the West are free to understand these developments sympathetically and respond to them realistically.

THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL QUESTIONS

The last two papal encyclicals of John XXIII marked a decisive evolution in the Roman Catholic position on social questions. Parallel to this, and partly occasioned by it, is the intensification of Catholic participation in movements which are working for the radical change of social structures. This is especially evident in Latin America, where such a large proportion of the world's Catholics live, and where the church has been traditionally identified with the forces of reaction in a society of extreme privilege and social injustice.

The beginnings of this were seen some years ago when, in one country after another, the hierarchy began to cut itself loose from any close identification with unpopular rightist dictators. Today the leadership of the church in some areas is making a concerted effort to change the image of the church in the minds of the people. It is attempting to demonstrate clearly that it is not identified with the forces of the status quo, but rather decidedly on the side of social change, and that it has abandoned its traditional attitude of paternalism. The most striking example of this is the Pastoral of the Chilean bishops, published in September of last year, which studies openly how widespread is the poverty and social injustice which exist in the country and stresses the need for basic changes in the structures of that society. It is likely that this emphasis represents only a relatively small minority in the Latin American hierarchy. The church still is one of the institutions which sustains the status quo in many places and a more progressive attitude is considered pro-Communist. But a new spirit is stirring. The amazing thing is that the new posi-


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tion has been stated so widely, and that a large number of individuals and groups within the church that are following this path are being tolerated and, in some cases, strongly supported by the hierarchy.

In Brazil quite a few priests are involved in popular movements, especially among the peasants in the Northeast, or are serving as advisors to groups of Catholic action so involved. In several instances, this has led to arrest or imprisonment of these priests. In Sao Paulo, a Dominican monk is the leader of a group of Catholic laymen who have begun to publish a weekly newspaper, Brasil Urgente, which is as clearly in favor of major reforms in Brazilian society as any political movement on the Left. In Chile a group of Jesuits is following a similar line. They have published a 200 page study of the Latin American revolution which has been acclaimed by Leftists across the continent, and are working dynamically in the organization of popular movements which can become a force in social reform. In various countries, Catholic Action groups-of students, workers, and in some cases peasants-are fully involved in the present social struggle, and Christian Democratic parties are having a new lease on life in those instances where they have appeared with a revolutionary program that might offer an alternative to Communism. The most outstanding example of this is in Chile where the Christian Democrats have rapidly come to the center of the political stage. Their candidate for President, Eduardo Frei, in a recent interview, presented his program of basic reforms in economic, political, social, and international affairs, declaring that his party wants changes as deep as those proposed by the Communists, but "within a framework determined by its vision of man, his rights and his personal dignity."

The crucial question which here arises is that of the Christian position in relation to Marxism. When any group in Latin America becomes convinced of the urgent need to change structures of a society which has been firmly established for 400 years, it is soon almost overwhelmed by the size and difficulty of the task. The forces of the status quo are so powerful that there is as yet no clear sign that change can be brought about. Moreover, when Christians become involved in movements which are working for such change, they immediately discover that the Marxists were there before them and are more prepared than anyone else for this work. For the Catholic to concentrate his energies on fighting the Marxist for control of the revolutionary movement, or in order to eliminate the Marxist influ-


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ence in it, seems quite absurd. If social change is to come about fast enough to avoid a complete breakdown in Latin American society, in some cases at least it will have to come as the result of a joint effort of Catholics and Marxists.

On this point there seems to be rather general agreement. The question is: What does this entail? In some instances Catholic priests and laymen are taking part in movements, such as Peasant Leagues, in which the Marxist influence is decisive, or are supporting political candidates who, though not members of the Communist party, are strongly influenced by Marxism. In the majority of cases, and this would seem to be the official position of Catholic leaders in these movements, in involves coöperation with Marxist groups for the attainment of specific objectives without any commitment to them. But there are also minority groups in the Christian Democratic parties who feel that they must go farther and work out a pact with the Marxist parties in order to attain their objectives. And in some of the Catholic lay groups, there are those who are convinced that the important thing is a constant dialogue with Marxists in the midst of the revolutionary struggle. This they believe might well lead to the development of revolutionary ideologies that would represent a broad revision of Marxism as a consequence of a decisive Christian humanistic influence.

It is quite possible that, as the revolutionary process continues, a growing number of Catholic laymen will incline toward the last position mentioned and demand of the church a theological orientation adequate for this task. It is also possible that the presence of Christians, both Catholics and Protestants, in this revolutionary struggle alongside of Marxists, may have a significant influence over Marxism as it develops in the fluid ideological and political situation which now exists in Latin America. One thing at least is certain. We must not attempt any longer to define our attitude to the Latin American revolution in terms of the categories which we developed in our struggle with Communism in the United States in the 1930's. If we hope to meet the present problem creatively as Christians, we must recognize the complexity and ambiguity of the new situation, and be open to new ways of thought and new definitions of our responsibility. Otherwise, in our struggle against Communism, we will be contributing ultimately to Communist domination on other parts of that continent.


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THE LIFE AND MISSION OF THE CHURCH

Across recent decades, the World's Student Christian Federation has pioneered in many areas of the church's witness in the modern world. Especially significant have been its contributions to the ecumenical movement, its emphasis on group Bible study, and its concern for Christian political responsibility. Since 1958, the work of the Federation has centered in an emphasis on "the life and mission of the church" which, judging by several reports recently published, may have even more far-reaching consequences for the contemporary church. As originally conceived, this emphasis aimed at restoring the missionary concern to the center of the life of student movements around the world. As it has developed, however, Christian students have found themselves engaged in a search for a new sense of purpose in their own lives and in their groups in the university and at the same time thrust into the midst of the struggle to discover new forms of Christian community and new possibilities of Christian witness at a time when radical renewal has become the order of the day.

The first stage of this program centered in a Teaching Conference held at Strasbourg, in July 1960. The intention was that in this conference something of the wealth of insight which has come in recent decades in biblical and theological studies, and in understanding of the life and mission of the church, would be passed on to a very select group of representatives of the younger generation. During the first week, many of the most outstanding theologians and leaders of the ecumenical movement concentrated, with little success, on the task of communicating this heritage. The new generation was deeply concerned about the Christian faith but surprisingly dissatisfied with the theological formulations of their elders. They felt a deep need for meaningful patterns of Christian community, but expressed a profound dissatisfaction with almost all present forms of church life. They were vitally interested in and committed to witness in the modern world, but convinced that most of the patterns of missionary service belonged to a colonial era now ended. It soon became amazingly clear that the present moment would permit no simple continuity either in theology or in the life and mission of the church.

At the beginning of the second week, Professor Hoekendijk of Holland analyzed the gradual collapse of the corpus christianum, and suggested that in the new situation we must be free as individual


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Christians and as a community to accompany Christ in the world where he is concretely at work, and there permit him to remake human life and give a new, secular form to the Christian community. We might almost say that this moment was the beginning of a new era in the life of the Federation, certainly in the emphasis on the life and mission of the church. It became evident that, if Christian students want to find their way ahead, they must begin with the practice of a theology of Incarnation and, through involvement in the concrete reality of the human situation at a particular point, be open to the presence and work of Jesus Christ there.

As a result, the series of regional study conferences now being carried on have all followed this pattern. In Asia, Africa, and Latin America, each conference has been concerned with the revolution taking place on that continent and the meaning of Christian faith and the role of the Christian in the very center of the chaos and excitement accompanying these events. (For reports on these, see Federation News, April, 1963.) In Europe, the focus has been on the presence of Christ in a secular world. In the last issue of the Student World (First quarter, 1963), the major addresses given at the conference in Graz are published and are thus available for those who are interested in following this discussion.

For the students who are engaged in this process, the conviction is growing that in their existential concern with the questions of revolution and secularization, they find themselves confronting the crucial issues which the church faces in its mission in the world today. They are also convinced that the farther they proceed along this road, the more radical become the questions which are raised about the life and work of the church today. We mention three aspects which stand out in the publications and reports referred to:

(1) This new involvement in the world, in the confidence that Jesus Christ is at work and taking form there, has been both a liberating and exciting experience. It also represents a most difficult task which requires the support of the church, and the most intensive work on the part of the church to give expression to this new reality. Yet the students who are making this discovery find the institutional church almost entirely absent from the center of this struggle.

(2) On this frontier, a new type of Christian life and community is called for. As one speaker at Graz put it: "The revelation of man does not result in any particular ideal type of man or of life . . . it


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is rather fulfilled in each new historical deed of the individual and of the many in the community." Our heritage of Pietism and Puritanism are unable to deal with this demand.

(3) In the center of the human situation of our day, both Bible study and worship take on new meaning and urgency. Yet it is at this point, in which the Federation has had much experience and done a great deal of pioneering work, that recent conferences have been weakest. We cannot live responsibly in the world today except as we hear the word of God but we have not discovered how this can happen in a satisfactory way. And most of our traditional patterns of worship seem woefully inadequate in making visible before us the reality of Christ's presence and power in the heart of modern secular society.